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May1010
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Here's my book report. Please critique and let me know what you think. Thanks in advance.
The Anointed One: An Inside Look at Nevada Politics, written by Jon Ralston, and published in 2000 by Huntington Press (Las Vegas, Nevada), asserts that Nevada political offices, from local elected officials to the governor, are filled by those who are selected or anointed to office by a handful of men. As Mr. Ralston wrote, “The mob may have lost its grip, but the corporate titans who run the Las Vegas Strip maintain a stranglehold over the political system that the capos of La Cosa Nostra would envy”.
Mr. Ralston makes his point of how Nevada’s political elections are determined by industry leaders as opposed to the voting public by presenting the successful gubernatorial campaign of the State’s current governor, Kenny Guinn. Ralston presents details of the Republican’s run for office in chronological order. Over the course of eleven chapters, beginning with “Kenny of the Thousand Days is Born,” Ralston covers Guinn from the time that Guinn decided to enter the governor’s race two and a half years before the November 1998 election, to the final chapter, titled “Anointment Found,” that discusses Guinn’s election night victory party at the Luxor Hotel.
Ralston describes Guinn as the “epitome of the Nevada establishment.” By the age of 33, Guinn had risen through the hierarchy of the Clark County School District to become superintendent. At the age of 42, he started his banking career at Nevada Savings and Loan and within a decade, had risen to chairman of the board. He later became president of Southwest Gas, the bank’s parent corporation, and eventually became the millionaire chairman of the utility company. He was honored routinely by civic groups but more importantly; he was a board member of Boyd Gaming and Del Webb, the two most influential industries in the State, gaming and development. Hence, when Guinn decided to run for the open governor’s seat, both industries gave him their almost exclusive support.
Behind Guinn were campaign guru Sid Rogich, the former advisor to Presidents Reagan and Bush, and who became perhaps one of the most powerful dealmakers in Nevada, as well as Billy Vassiliadis, who was recruited by Rogich to be Guinn’s campaign manager. Their approach to Guinn’s certain victory was two-pronged: get the men and get the money. This two-pronged approached materialized in the “ruthless and relentless fundraising and the harnessing of the best talent available in an attempt to make the election result inexorable…”
Guinn’s financial backers, namely the casinos, wanted Guinn in the governor’s mansion because they were confident that he would buck the industry, i.e. raise their taxes. Rogich and Vassiliadis convinced their connections on the Strip, such as Circus Circus Enterprises’ Michael Sloan and MGM’s Terry Lanni, that Guinn was the only real viable candidate. The casinos backed Guinn almost exclusively, effectively shutting out other candidates who were hoping for campaign contributions.
Candidates, such as Frankie Sue Del Papa, the democratic Attorney General, dropped out of race. Even though she enjoyed much wider name recognition that Guinn and she was a “proven statewide vote-getter,” she could not raise enough money to mount an effective gubernatorial campaign. Other potential candidates, such as Lieutenant Governor Lonnie Hammargren and Secretary of State Dean Heller, either declined to take on the Guinn juggernaut or were simply fringe candidates with no real chance of winning, e.g. Aaron Russo. However, at the last minute, the provocative and dynamic Jan Jones, the democratic mayor of Las Vegas, entered the race and as Ralston stated, she became “the fly in the anointment”.
Jones contributed $300,000 of her own money to the campaign and raised even more, including a sizable contribution from one of the big casinos, The Mirage. The Mirage’s chief, Steve Wynn, was not an exclusive supporter of Guinn as Guinn had never held an elected office and therefore was “unproven.” Jones, then undergoing treatment for breast cancer, ranked higher in the polls than Guinn but Guinn had already secured the support of both labor and the police by coming out against the paycheck protection measure and supporting police raises, respectively. In addition, there was animosity between Jones and the lame duck Governor, Bob Miller. Hence, Jones received only tepid support from Miller even though he too was a democrat.
Although Jones was arguable a more issue oriented candidate and many believed she performed better than Guinn at the debates, she had political baggage. The Guinn campaign publicized her spotty attendance record at the city council meetings and highlighted her many appearances before the city’s Ethics Committee.
In the end, it was the anointment process that was the key to Guinn’s successful campaign. The process ensured that Guinn would raise a war chest that would be able to hire the best consultants and organize a grass roots operation. The opposing candidate never had a chance.
The book, and indictment of the political process, was an enjoyable read. In fact, a similar book on the 2000 Presidential election might be as fascinating as well and could be the basis for gaining support for more stringent federal campaign finance reform statutes.
The Anointed One: An Inside Look at Nevada Politics, written by Jon Ralston, and published in 2000 by Huntington Press (Las Vegas, Nevada), asserts that Nevada political offices, from local elected officials to the governor, are filled by those who are selected or anointed to office by a handful of men. As Mr. Ralston wrote, “The mob may have lost its grip, but the corporate titans who run the Las Vegas Strip maintain a stranglehold over the political system that the capos of La Cosa Nostra would envy”.
Mr. Ralston makes his point of how Nevada’s political elections are determined by industry leaders as opposed to the voting public by presenting the successful gubernatorial campaign of the State’s current governor, Kenny Guinn. Ralston presents details of the Republican’s run for office in chronological order. Over the course of eleven chapters, beginning with “Kenny of the Thousand Days is Born,” Ralston covers Guinn from the time that Guinn decided to enter the governor’s race two and a half years before the November 1998 election, to the final chapter, titled “Anointment Found,” that discusses Guinn’s election night victory party at the Luxor Hotel.
Ralston describes Guinn as the “epitome of the Nevada establishment.” By the age of 33, Guinn had risen through the hierarchy of the Clark County School District to become superintendent. At the age of 42, he started his banking career at Nevada Savings and Loan and within a decade, had risen to chairman of the board. He later became president of Southwest Gas, the bank’s parent corporation, and eventually became the millionaire chairman of the utility company. He was honored routinely by civic groups but more importantly; he was a board member of Boyd Gaming and Del Webb, the two most influential industries in the State, gaming and development. Hence, when Guinn decided to run for the open governor’s seat, both industries gave him their almost exclusive support.
Behind Guinn were campaign guru Sid Rogich, the former advisor to Presidents Reagan and Bush, and who became perhaps one of the most powerful dealmakers in Nevada, as well as Billy Vassiliadis, who was recruited by Rogich to be Guinn’s campaign manager. Their approach to Guinn’s certain victory was two-pronged: get the men and get the money. This two-pronged approached materialized in the “ruthless and relentless fundraising and the harnessing of the best talent available in an attempt to make the election result inexorable…”
Guinn’s financial backers, namely the casinos, wanted Guinn in the governor’s mansion because they were confident that he would buck the industry, i.e. raise their taxes. Rogich and Vassiliadis convinced their connections on the Strip, such as Circus Circus Enterprises’ Michael Sloan and MGM’s Terry Lanni, that Guinn was the only real viable candidate. The casinos backed Guinn almost exclusively, effectively shutting out other candidates who were hoping for campaign contributions.
Candidates, such as Frankie Sue Del Papa, the democratic Attorney General, dropped out of race. Even though she enjoyed much wider name recognition that Guinn and she was a “proven statewide vote-getter,” she could not raise enough money to mount an effective gubernatorial campaign. Other potential candidates, such as Lieutenant Governor Lonnie Hammargren and Secretary of State Dean Heller, either declined to take on the Guinn juggernaut or were simply fringe candidates with no real chance of winning, e.g. Aaron Russo. However, at the last minute, the provocative and dynamic Jan Jones, the democratic mayor of Las Vegas, entered the race and as Ralston stated, she became “the fly in the anointment”.
Jones contributed $300,000 of her own money to the campaign and raised even more, including a sizable contribution from one of the big casinos, The Mirage. The Mirage’s chief, Steve Wynn, was not an exclusive supporter of Guinn as Guinn had never held an elected office and therefore was “unproven.” Jones, then undergoing treatment for breast cancer, ranked higher in the polls than Guinn but Guinn had already secured the support of both labor and the police by coming out against the paycheck protection measure and supporting police raises, respectively. In addition, there was animosity between Jones and the lame duck Governor, Bob Miller. Hence, Jones received only tepid support from Miller even though he too was a democrat.
Although Jones was arguable a more issue oriented candidate and many believed she performed better than Guinn at the debates, she had political baggage. The Guinn campaign publicized her spotty attendance record at the city council meetings and highlighted her many appearances before the city’s Ethics Committee.
In the end, it was the anointment process that was the key to Guinn’s successful campaign. The process ensured that Guinn would raise a war chest that would be able to hire the best consultants and organize a grass roots operation. The opposing candidate never had a chance.
The book, and indictment of the political process, was an enjoyable read. In fact, a similar book on the 2000 Presidential election might be as fascinating as well and could be the basis for gaining support for more stringent federal campaign finance reform statutes.
