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Lynchings in Lexington
Many Kentuckians are proud to point out that we were a neutral state in the Civil War. Technically, the state did not fight for or against states' rights, secession, or slavery. Knowing the human rights atrocities of this era, this neutral frame of mind both soothes the soul and eases the conscience.
But lynching in Lexington continued long past the Civil War era - both the legal and mob-sponsored variety.
“Lynching was as popular as baseball. That’s what was so horrendous about it. This was simply a pastime for many Americans.”
Chester Grundy, Director of the Office of African-American Affairs at UK states that throughout history lynchings were "carnival like" events. "Hundreds and sometimes thousands of people would come to watch a lynching. They dismissed schools for the event. Mutilation occurred such as cutting off the accused's fingers and passing them out into the crowd. People took pictures posing next to the swinging body like they were at a carnival. Lynching was as popular as baseball. That's what was so horrendous about it. This was simply a pastime for many Americans."
According to Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940, by George C. Wright the history of the city of Lexington is filled with acts of racial violence and hatred not long ago. Many great-grandparents and grandparents would remember.
"It was more part of American culture, a ritualized practice. This was common and accepted, especially in the South. Lynching was not always punishment for a crime. It was a way to keep the black population complacent," says Grundy.
No one knows for sure how many lynchings occurred in Kentucky's history. Wright suggests that his research of Kentucky newspaper archives indicates 353 people were lynched in Kentucky. Other researchers have estimated the count at 205.
What are the stories behind the lynchings? Both the victim of the crime and the nature of the crime contributed to the possibility of a resolution in lynching.
One story told by Wright recounts that one death was not always appeasement enough. In early 1878, a black man from Lexington named Stiver killed a white man and was lynched. This one lynching did not provide sufficient "justice." A white mob confronted three other black men who were thought to have aided in the first murder. The first black man found was shot at his home in front of his wife. The other two were found and hanged in woods in a surrounding community of Lexington. An eye for an eye, and four black deaths for one white death.
Lexington then joined Louisville in making executions private and charging admission. There is no mention of what the city did with the profits from this elite spectacle. According to Wright, "Thousands of Louisvillians and Lexingtonians of all ages paid for choice positions where they could look over walls or from rooftops and observe the private hangings."
In the 1920s, Lexington went through the motions legally to end mob violence. Democratic governor William J. Fields took over the murder trial of a Lexington black man accused of killing Clarence Bryant and his two children and the rape of Mrs. Bryant. During the trial, the city was under a state of martial law, closing down all roads in and out of Lexington. The black defendant was put to death anyway. His trial lasted sixteen minutes before a decision was made.
It is not surprising then that the number of legal executions grew in both Jefferson County and Fayette County. Thirty percent of the state's legal executions occurred in these two counties. In fact, whites in urban areas prided themselves on preventing lynching. Small communities often sent their convicts to urban areas like Lexington and Louisville for protection from lynching violence. The justice system dealt with the deaths almost as quickly as the mobs had. Now it was labeled "legal" and "just." The last of these legal executions occurred in Mercer County in 1939. The defendant was a black man charged with rape.
"You could regard this as America's hoohcaust. Lynching, as well as other acts of violence, really can be considered a holocaust," says Grundy.
Many Kentuckians are proud to point out that we were a neutral state in the Civil War. Technically, the state did not fight for or against states' rights, secession, or slavery. Knowing the human rights atrocities of this era, this neutral frame of mind both soothes the soul and eases the conscience.
But lynching in Lexington continued long past the Civil War era - both the legal and mob-sponsored variety.
“Lynching was as popular as baseball. That’s what was so horrendous about it. This was simply a pastime for many Americans.”
Chester Grundy, Director of the Office of African-American Affairs at UK states that throughout history lynchings were "carnival like" events. "Hundreds and sometimes thousands of people would come to watch a lynching. They dismissed schools for the event. Mutilation occurred such as cutting off the accused's fingers and passing them out into the crowd. People took pictures posing next to the swinging body like they were at a carnival. Lynching was as popular as baseball. That's what was so horrendous about it. This was simply a pastime for many Americans."
According to Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940, by George C. Wright the history of the city of Lexington is filled with acts of racial violence and hatred not long ago. Many great-grandparents and grandparents would remember.
"It was more part of American culture, a ritualized practice. This was common and accepted, especially in the South. Lynching was not always punishment for a crime. It was a way to keep the black population complacent," says Grundy.
No one knows for sure how many lynchings occurred in Kentucky's history. Wright suggests that his research of Kentucky newspaper archives indicates 353 people were lynched in Kentucky. Other researchers have estimated the count at 205.
What are the stories behind the lynchings? Both the victim of the crime and the nature of the crime contributed to the possibility of a resolution in lynching.
One story told by Wright recounts that one death was not always appeasement enough. In early 1878, a black man from Lexington named Stiver killed a white man and was lynched. This one lynching did not provide sufficient "justice." A white mob confronted three other black men who were thought to have aided in the first murder. The first black man found was shot at his home in front of his wife. The other two were found and hanged in woods in a surrounding community of Lexington. An eye for an eye, and four black deaths for one white death.
Lexington then joined Louisville in making executions private and charging admission. There is no mention of what the city did with the profits from this elite spectacle. According to Wright, "Thousands of Louisvillians and Lexingtonians of all ages paid for choice positions where they could look over walls or from rooftops and observe the private hangings."
In the 1920s, Lexington went through the motions legally to end mob violence. Democratic governor William J. Fields took over the murder trial of a Lexington black man accused of killing Clarence Bryant and his two children and the rape of Mrs. Bryant. During the trial, the city was under a state of martial law, closing down all roads in and out of Lexington. The black defendant was put to death anyway. His trial lasted sixteen minutes before a decision was made.
It is not surprising then that the number of legal executions grew in both Jefferson County and Fayette County. Thirty percent of the state's legal executions occurred in these two counties. In fact, whites in urban areas prided themselves on preventing lynching. Small communities often sent their convicts to urban areas like Lexington and Louisville for protection from lynching violence. The justice system dealt with the deaths almost as quickly as the mobs had. Now it was labeled "legal" and "just." The last of these legal executions occurred in Mercer County in 1939. The defendant was a black man charged with rape.
"You could regard this as America's hoohcaust. Lynching, as well as other acts of violence, really can be considered a holocaust," says Grundy.
